In the following days, Khrushchev took his son Sergei Khrushchev to visit Kozlov who had woken up several times, but he couldn't hide his disappointment every time he came back. Khrushchev had learned that Kozlov's body could not return to his original state, which means that Kozlov could not continue to be competent for high-intensity work.

At Xie Lieping's home, taking advantage of the opportunity of Tykunov being promoted to Minister of the Petroleum Industry, several people gathered together again. Compared with the past, their expressions became much more serious this time. No one would have thought that Kozlov, who had always been in good health, suddenly couldn't do it. This matter was very impactful and enough for them to discuss it seriously.

Yegorechev, Tikunov, Selov and Semichasne, who had just returned from Bulgaria, all remained silent. They all knew that Serepin had something to do, which was the subsequent impact on Kozlov's death. Kozlov's body was obviously impossible to fulfill his duties as a second secretary. Khrushchev would definitely find someone to replace Kozlov's position. So who would this person be?

Xie Lieping also knew that the person would definitely not be himself, but Xie Lieping could not determine who it was. He simply had many friends, from the government to the party committee to the security organs, there was no shortage of talented people to help him judge.

"Who is it? Is Shevilnik?" Xie Lieping said first after a brief silence, "He is the chairman of the Party Affairs Committee of the CPC Central Committee and the chairman of the Supervision Committee of the CPC Central Committee. He supervises judicial work and the first secretary trusts him very much."

"It is unlikely that Shvirnik is older than the first secretary, so it will definitely not be him!" The first secretary of the Moscow Municipal Party Committee, said, shook his head, and Serov nodded and agreed with Yegorechev's judgment. If Serov remembers correctly, the two departments will be merged immediately. After the expansion of power, Xie Lieping will be the boss of this department and the chairman of the Party and State Supervision Committee. Similarly, Migoyang will not be considered because it does not meet the standards.

"Where is Voronov? It's not like that. Marshal Voronov is a soldier. It doesn't seem appropriate to directly train a marshal as a successor. Moreover, Marshal Voronov is five years younger than the first secretary!" As he said, he began to shake his head and rejected his judgment. The Central Presidium does not exclude cadres who have military experience, but if he is an active-duty soldier or a marshal who has been in charge of military work most of the time, it seems unrealistic to be a successor.

"What do you think of Polyakov and Ilichev??" Semichasne began to screen out Serepin's colleagues, who were both central secretaries, just like Serepin.

"The two of them are very loyal to the First Secretary, that's all!" Although Xie Lieping did not talk much, everyone knew from his tone and expression that his evaluation of Polyakov and Ilichev's two central secretaries was just average.

Shelov and his friends are no longer surprised by the attitude towards Sheloppin, so they didn't say much. Sheloppin himself proposed another candidate and asked, "Is it possible that Suslov? The first secretary used Suslov as an over-the-top figure and was looking for time to find a target. In fact, I think that Kosykin has a great hope. Kosykin and the first secretary have a common language in the economic field, and Kosykin has a great hope..."

"Sulov only cared about party affairs, and the first secretary's attitude towards him is worth thinking about. He is 61 years old, so there is no hope!" Selov shook his head directly, "It is no problem to make many cadres respect Comrade Susulov. If comrades recommend Secretary Susulov as the second secretary, there is also no possibility of no!"

Referring Suslov to be the second secretary? Living like him? Soviet cadres are not stupid, how could they do such things? Besides, Suslov has done nothing except party affairs, nor has he been a local cadre, let alone presided over economic work, supervisory consciousness and form are indeed a big killer, but the party, government, military, Teslov could not even reach his hands.

The status is more useful when the superiors and subordinates are obvious, but if he has reached the same level as Suslov, real power will be very useful. Brezhnev later dealt with Serepin, Podgorne and Kosigin one after another. He kept Suslov. Was he afraid of Suslov? It was not at all. He kept Suslov just because Suslov could only cause minor obstacles to Brezhnev at most. As long as Brezhnev ignored him, he would not be able to bear it as long as he took half of his efforts to the previous few people.

Selov, who supported his neck with one hand and tilted his head, said slowly, "In fact, there are two people who have been in charge of economic work and have presided over work in the local area. Brezhnev, the chairman of the Supreme Soviet, the secretary of the Central Committee, and the former first secretary of the Ukrainian Party Committee, Podgorne!"

"Podgorne's style is very obvious. Brezhnev? His talent is very average!" Xie Lieping said with some disbelief. "Will the first secretary find a mean person to be the second secretary? It is unlikely that Brezhnev has no credit worthy of special mention, just like a dancing ballerina..."

His boss's attitude made Selov want to die. Why did he think that Brezhne's human animals were harmless? Did Stalin be the strongest person at the time? No, he didn't mention that he had the founder of the Red Army, Trotsky, and even Bukharin and Kamenev were ranked higher than him. Khrushchev also had Belya and Malenkov, and when Stalin died, Khrushchev ranked fifth in the Soviet Union.

Two precedents are already ahead. Why do people still think that Brezhnev will be a good old man?

"Their qualifications are definitely enough. Yuri is right. Shurik, the first secretary is likely to choose one of these two people as the second secretary!" Yegorechev thought for a while and said seriously, "Talent is not important. If Brezhnev is really the second secretary, it is a good thing, and we have a greater space for activities!"

Yegorechev's first half of the sentence made Selov nod frequently. Sure enough, the level of the first secretary of the Moscow Municipal Party Committee was not as good as a prestigious one. The second half directly gave Selov the impulse to be a Japanese dog. At this level, he could be the first secretary of the Moscow Municipal Party Committee? No wonder he was later driven out of the country to be an ambassador. This is the fate of former Foreign Minister Selov.

Brezhnev is much better than you, so why do they all think that he is a gentle and good old man? Even if he is a good old man, who told you that an elder is not capable of dealing with you?

Brezhnev met the necessary conditions: he was a member of the Party Central Committee's Presidium and the Central Secretary, and had long-term work experience as a leader in the provincial party committee and the Central Committee of the Republic. He was a relatively old-fashioned leader among the new generation of leaders.

He has many old friends and friends who occupy important positions, both in the central, local, and senior military leaders. Brezhnev has a very good relationship with the military. Kozlov, who is the only thing better than him, has been paralyzed. The current Minister of Defense Marshal Malinovsky was the head of Brezhnev during the Patriotic War, the first deputy minister of the Ministry of National Defense, the commander-in-chief of the Joint Forces of the Warsaw Pact, and the Marshal Grechko, the deputy minister of the Ministry of National Defense and the commander-in-chief of the Navy, were even more comrades who had established a deep friendship with Brezhnev; Marshal Moskarenko, the deputy minister of the Ministry of National Defense and the inspector-general of the Ministry of National Defense, had once entered Prague side by side with Brezhnev; his university classmate and colleague Gruzevoy is now the director of the political department of the Moscow Military Region.

In addition, Brezhnev is also well-known in the leadership group. He gives people the impression that he is calm, honest, easy-going, not as sinister and cunning as a scheming politician, nor as aggressive as a political strongman. The weak feel that he is reliable and safe, while the strong think that he is easy to play with and will not pose a threat. Moreover, with his current actual position in the party, it is more natural and more natural to take over as the second secretary.

"If it were all this, I think this ship would sooner or later turn. Is it really that character determines destiny?" Selov didn't know where Xie Lieping and their confidence came from, but if these people always think about the problem like this, then failure is sooner or later. With Selov's joining, it only lasted a little longer.

Later, Selov also received two guests at his home. The three of them talked deeply until late at night. Selov sent his two friends away. "From the issue of the second secretary's illness, our security work seems to be a little problem, so we must focus on improving this aspect. The work of the two of you is very important. The Kremlin is the heart of the alliance. There cannot be any problems. Remember to report to me if there are any problems!"

Selov emphasized the need to report to himself rather than to KGB chairman Semichasne, which received a positive reply from both of them. Selov's two friends, one is Major General Chekarov, the commander of the Kremlin garrison, and the other is Major Georgazé, the captain of the Khrushchev Guard.

When Khrushchev smashed Malenkov, the position of the Kremlin guard was questionable. At that time, the entire army was replaced. At that time, Selov was carrying out this work. The entire Kremlin guards were selected by Selov. At that time, he was preparing for this work. In order to prevent Khrushchev from being locked in the Kremlin and unable to mobilize his support, Selov also opened a backup contact line. Even Selov didn't know about this, in order to prevent Khrushchev from being couped. (To be continued.)
Chapter completed!