Three special national conditions influenced. Among the various struggles in the Republic, there were the British provinces, the most intense and dangerous with the army.

Looking back at the history of the Republic, you can discover. No matter who it is, if you want to make a difference in politics, you must first gain the support of the army. Wang Yuanqing is no exception, and Ji Zuoguo is no exception.

When the people were deified by Ji Youguo, no one forgot a very critical issue, that is, the close relationship between Ji Youguo and the army. In a sense, without the support of senior military leaders such as Peng Maobang and Zhao Rundong, or senior leaders who have close ties with the army, it would be impossible for Ji Youguo to initiate industrial structure adjustments in Lienian alone. At most, like Wang Yuanqing later, he would wait until the Fourth India-Pakistan War to carry out reforms. Not to mention in order to obtain the support of the army, will Ji Youguo gradually move further away in the Fourth India-Pakistan War, and pushing the industrial structure adjustment to three years will be enough to change the development trajectory of the Republic.

Relatively speaking, Ji Youguo is lucky. The factory reported the situation, more killing, more

Because of the existence of Peng Maobang and Zhao Rundong, and Pan Yunsheng, Ji Youguo did not have to worry too much after the material conditions were ripe. He could launch reforms in the most effective way and use the most ideal means to deal with the problems encountered in the reform. In a sense, Ji Zuoguo did not directly support Wang Yuanqing to take office, but instead let Zhao Rundong work for two terms, because Wang Yuanqing had no background in his army and wanted to use Zhao Rundong's influence to solve the problems in the early stage of the reform. It was precisely this that Zhao Rundong did not do many earth-shaking things. The best work he did during his reign was to consolidate Ji Youguo's reform achievements, lay the foundation for Wang Yuanqing's reform actions, and play a role in connecting the past and the future.

Mo Yong doubted that Wang Yuanqing did not have the unique conditions as good as Jiluoguo.

Although to a large extent, Wang Yuanqing inherited Ji Youguo's mantle and inherited Ji Youguo's influence. Not only did Peng Maobang and Pan Yunsheng support him unconditionally, Xiang Yinghui and Li Cunxun, who replaced the two, also supported him, but Wang Yuanqing was not Ji Youguo after all. Even if he could gain the support of the senior management, it would not be equivalent to gaining the trust of the grassroots. Influenced by this, in the late stage of the Peninsula War, Wang Yuanqing extended his strength to the young soldiers by fully supporting Pei Chengyi and extending his strength to the young soldiers.

The Olive Branch, by suppressing the aristocratic faction, eventually formed an alliance with the young and strong faction. It can be said that this was a masterpiece of Wang Yuanqing's establishment of a military background. It can even be said that it was this extraordinary alliance that allowed Wang Yuanqing to reach the peak of political power and also changed the fate of the Republic. Under the circumstances at that time, without the support of young and strong faction soldiers such as Xiang Yinghui and Pei Chengyi, Wang Yuanqing might not have been able to defeat Gu Weimin; he would have naturally become Zhao Rundong's successor.

This alliance between politicians and soldiers was later called the most important "military and political marriage" in the history of the Republic.

Of course, the influence is not limited to the Republic. In a sense, it is precisely because of the support of the young and strong people that Wang Yuanqing had to indulge the war requirements of soldiers in the following Japanese war, that is, he did not overly restrict the war behavior of soldiers, and allowed the soldiers to exert their full potential. Of course, this is also the means that Wang Yuanqing wanted to regain military power.

After the Japanese War, Wang Yuanqing used a series of excessive actions by the army during the war to regain military decision-making power and invaded a group of generals with great influence in the army, including Pei Chengyi, into the cold palace. Although Wang Yuanqing did not carry out a major purge, he eventually became the supreme commander of the Republic's army through this series of actions. He grasped military power and prepared for the subsequent Indian war.

It can be seen from this that neither Wang Yuanqing nor Ji Jieguo can do without the support of the army.

Wang Yuanqing's greatest contribution in military affairs was to "purify" the internal environment of the army. In the old years when he was in power, because the factions of aristocratic families fell apart and only the young and strong sects were left, there was no factional struggle within the army. At most, the various military branches had disputes over military expenditure issues.

The problem is that where there are people, there are rights, and where there are rights, there is dispute over interests.

If the aristocratic faction is gone, it does not mean that the strong faction is in harmony.

After two consecutive military reforms, the military power of the Republic has actually been divided into two pounds. Some of the thugs are the budget controlled by the Ministry of Defense, the "cultural power" such as personnel, and the "military power" of the General Staff, and the "military power" such as war." Although this division of power is still not ideal, according to the view of most people, the ultimate goal should be to form an army led by the Ministry of Defense. The General Staff is only responsible for combat command, that is, the power distribution method of civil servants managing the army, but the ideal military management method must have a basic rule.

The first thing is democratic politics, that is, the army is loyal to the country, but not to the ruling party, so political reform must be completed first. In a sense, military reform and political reform advance simultaneously, because the special national conditions of the Republic, that is, political reform needs to be supported by the army, so military reform is always a little faster than political reform. In order to ensure that social contradictions are resolved through moderate reforms rather than turning reform into violent revolutions, military reform cannot go too fast, and it is even more impossible to exist alone.

If you understand this principle, it is not difficult to understand. Why did Wang Yuanqing propose the third military reform before leaving office?

Although in the eyes of ordinary people, the third military reform is Wang Yuanqing's mission, because Ji Youguo carried out the first military reform and Zhao Rundong carried out the second military reform. If Wang Yuanqing did not carry out a military reform, his territory in the history of the Republic would be affected. However, those who understand the truth know that if Wang Yuanqing only wanted to speak history, he should carry out the third military reform after the Japanese War. But Chu Qiaoyi only started before his tenure. In any case, military reform is also a social reform, which takes enough time and cannot achieve results within a year and a half. What's more, the transfer of power is a very sensitive topic, and if there is no absolute need, Wang Yuanqing cannot carry out the third military reform when he is about to leave office and the Republic will usher in a political change in the old year.

So, what is the necessity of the third military reform?

As mentioned earlier, military reform and political reform complement each other.

Ji Zuoguo is doing this, Zhao Rundong is doing this, and Wang Yuanqing has no reason not to do this. In other words, the necessity of the third military reform is to support political reform and become the driving force for continuing to promote political reform.

With Pei Chengyi's political mind, it is impossible not to understand the profound relationship.

Yuan Chenhao is not a fool either. After Pei Chengyi reminded him, he also understood this truth.

"The key is that the head of state is about to leave office. Even if the idea of ​​the third military reform is very beautiful, whether the goal can be achieved is still a big deal."

"Whether the goal can be achieved depends on the method used."

Yuan Chenhao nodded thoughtfully and waited for Pei Chengyi to continue talking.

"At the end of the day, the practical significance of the third military reform is to use the influence of the army to push political reform into a new level. In order to achieve this goal, the head of state must have made some arrangements, and I personally think that the head of state will definitely make a fuss about internal issues of the army."

"Factional struggle?"

Pei Chengyi nodded and said, "Think about it, if there is no struggle, will the army still be valuable?"

Yuan Chenhao didn't understand and didn't speak.

"From the perspective of reform trends, after the democratic system is established, the basic attributes of the army will definitely change. We all know that under ideal circumstances, the army belongs to the state and citizens, so the army cannot interfere in political struggles. Military people cannot interfere in politics. In fact, haven't we been promoting the slogan of soldiers not interfering in politics over the years?" Pei Chengyi smiled and shook his head, saying, "The problem is that ideals are too far away from us and are very unrealistic. The current situation is, as the head of state leaves, will the next head of state actively promote it as the head of state leave, will the next head of state actively promote it as the head of state leave?

When the situation of political reform is still unclear, a considerable force is needed to promote political reform. There is no doubt that the army is the only choice. As long as political reform is in line with the interests of the army and is supported by the majority of the army, no matter who lives in the head of state, it is impossible to change the direction of political reform. It is precisely because the head of state launched the third military reform before leaving office. The problem is that as long as it is reform, it will harm the interests of some people and allow other people to benefit. For this reason, the head of state must do one thing well."

“Support the soldiers who support reform?”

Pei Chengyi nodded and said, "Simply put, that's it. But in detail, it's not as simple as one sentence. Think about it, which soldiers will support the reform?"

Yuan Chenhao frowned slightly, as if he had a premonition of something bad.

"Those who support reform must have been damaged or oppressed for a long time. Vested interest groups will never support reform, unless it is a means of recording and cutting under the banner of reform. Pei Chengyi sighed and said, "My mother doubted that before General Xiang left the General Staff, the old interest group in the army was the Army. Think about it, for several years, the Army commander has been occupying the position of Chief of Staff. Most of the time, he also occupied the position of Minister of National Defense. Any reform plan that is beneficial to the Army can be supported. Although over the years, due to the influence of the international situation and especially the foreign war, the momentum of the Army has been restrained. But overall, the Army's hegemony is still very obvious. The first two military reforms did not change the situation of the Army's king. The actual situation is the same. After the third military reform began, the Army's resistance was the most serious."

Yuan Chenhao smiled bitterly. It seemed that what he was beginning to think of was confirmed.

"Now you understand why I left the General Staff?"

"To be honest, I can't even admire you." Yuan Chenhao looked at Pei Chengyi and said, "I didn't react until you started mentioning it, and you could see it clearly a year and a half ago."

Pei Chengyi smiled and said, "What's the use of seeing clearly? No matter what, we are generals of the army. Even if we intend to surrender, the navy and the air force will not accept us. For us, how to spend the difficult time in the future is the most important thing." Xueshuba Shuokuo Factory reported fewer, updated by, more

"What do you think?"

"It's better not to have any ideas." Pei Chengyi shook his hand and said, "The situation is understandable. The head of state has reached an agreement with Lin Xiaolei and has formed at least a tacit understanding. In the next five or even ten years, the Navy will be the dominant service, and the national defense policy will also be tilted towards the Navy. Because the Air Force and the Navy are closely related to the Navy, coupled with the influence of the Marine Corps, the Army will become the biggest victim of this round of military reform. Of course, you will not be affected much."

“Is it possible?.

"Why is it impossible?" Pei Chengyi glanced at Yuan Chenhao and said, "The army will definitely be affected, but the one who is most affected is definitely not the young generals. No matter what, the young generals have prestige in the army, but do not have a solid foundation. In other words, how much do you and me have to do with each other? Without the basic system of the army, in addition to the few staff officers around us, there are also a few soldiers who listen to me, so we have the least impact. It will be the military reform 4 and the military service is the only one that can be the first to be a military service.

"Lao Pei, are you too confident, right?"

"This is not a question of whether there is confidence or not, but I can see it more deeply than you, or look at it longer than you

Yuan Chenhao smiled bitterly and looked at him with a stern look.

"Think about it, in order to get General Xiang's support, the head of state made a promise when arranging Lin Xiaolei as Chief of Staff was to take turns to serve as the chief of staff. That is to say, at most twenty years later, it will be the army's turn to take office again." Pei Chengyi paused for a moment and said, "How old are you in twenty years? You should be in your fifties. For a general, as long as you can be promoted to an army general before you are fifty, you will definitely have a bright future."

"Come on, you're already an Army General, and you're under fifty."

Pei Chengyi smiled and shook his head, saying, "I'm talking about twenty years later. You have been in the South Asian War Zone for more than a year and you should be clear about the situation outside. Although our relationship with the United States has not yet developed to the point of a big fight, who can guarantee that there will be no fire in twenty years. The head of state has a much longer vision than ours. It is impossible not to know what kind of challenges the Republic will face in twenty years. No matter how good you are now, it does not mean that you can perform well in twenty years. Besides, I will not be a general in my forties in twenty years. The head of state has a long-term vision and will focus on cultivating young soldiers like you, otherwise you will not come back to attend high-level meetings."

Yuan Chenhao smiled bitterly and did not refute Pei Chengyi's point of view.

In fact, Yuan Chenhao had the same idea when he received the news of his return to China. As a foreign military commander, although Yuan Chenhao was not an official, he involved a lot of foreign affairs, so he knew about the situation at home and abroad. He knew that the head of state had done so many things before leaving office, just to make plans for the future, and to allow young soldiers like him to play a major role in the military and political life of the Republic, and to make plans for the future. If you read the most dead chapter, choose the Tears Book. Shuo Ao Peng Qiquan

"How to save it, figure it out?"

"I still don't understand a little." Yuan Chenhao paused for a moment and said, "Since the head of state knows that the Republic will face the most severe challenges in twenty years, why do we still have to fight within the army?

Pei Chengyi's brows jumped a few times, as if he didn't believe in this pound. The question was asked from Yuan Chenhao's mouth.

"Of course, I don't understand. Although we should seize the time to do a good job in construction, speed up the speed of military reform, and strengthen national defense and military strength, in the short term, due to the limitations of national strength, we cannot use all our forces in military construction. If so, we will become the second Soviet Union." Yuan Chenhao breathed a sigh of relief and said, "The key issue is that fighting within the army will only have harm but not good. Even if we can think about the overall situation and not participate in internal struggles, we cannot guarantee that others can have the same idea, right?"

"In fact, your words have already said the reason."

Yuan Chenhao was stunned for a moment and did not react.

"It is indeed as you said. There is no benefit in the internal struggle of the army, but your other sentence has already stated the key, that is, not all soldiers have the same idea. In other words, this struggle seems to take advantage of the internal contradictions of the army, but in fact it is to resolve the internal contradictions of the army, that is, to eliminate opposition members who obstruct the reform, and let those who support the reform take the power of the army, so as to ensure that the reform can be completed smoothly." Pei Chengyi paused for a moment and said, "That is, this struggle will end soon, maybe in the past few days. In fact, as the issue of the chief of staff is settled, the struggle will naturally end."

“What do you think about the future?

"Me?" Pei Chengyi was stunned for a moment, knowing that Yuan Chenhao was concerned about his future. "I have no idea. Anyway, there are things I have to do now. You should take care of your own affairs. Since it is very likely that you will become the commander of the South Asian War Zone, you have to show off and do some practical work."

"Come on, you're here again."

"I'm not joking with you. If I'm right, you'll have to stay in the South Asian War Zone within five to ten years."

Yuan Chenhao smiled and shook his head. He said, "Even if that's the case, what can I do? The tears book bar shook the factory and report it to less, the bad salary is more, the bad salary is more

"I still can't see it?" Pei Chengyi smiled and said, "Think about it, the Conflict of the Horse Islands is about to end, and there is no name on the South Atlantic. Even if we want to light a few fires in the backyard of the United States in the future, it will be a few small moves at most. The problems in South Asia have long been resolved, and there will be no earth-shaking events in the foreseeable future. As Europe is moving towards unification step by step, Russia has once again raised its anger through economic recovery. The next hot spot is on your side, or next to you."

"Middle East?" Yuan Chenhao immediately frowned.

Pei Chengyi smiled and said nothing more.

"If that's the case, I'm afraid I'll be more than just attending a meeting.

.

"That is, you've been prepared long ago."

"Not prepared, will Wu dare to come back?"

Pei Chengyi smiled and shook his head, instead of asking questions, he asked Yuan Chenhao to decide whether to say it or not.
Chapter completed!