The six Jia people liked the republic, but they were very unfriendly to his descendants.
He personally does not like the constitutional system, but he is quite friendly to his descendants.
As a father, a man, or an old man, who doesn’t want his children, grandchildren, and his wife to live a peaceful life?
Therefore, regarding the future government system of the country, Jia Liu finally chose a constitutional system.
Only in this way can his descendants be preserved to the greatest extent possible.
It can be regarded as the only selfishness in this era since rebirth.
The small kind.
The establishment of the Constitution does not affect the country's rapid development, because China's heritage determines that as long as this country does not lag too far behind, it can overtake at any time, not to mention that under the leadership of Jia Liu, industry, commerce, and science have become comprehensive.
After laying the foundation and developing it for at least ten years, it will definitely leave Britain and France behind.
Then why do we need to create a republic? Isn’t it just a matter of directly declaring a constitution?
The reason is very simple. The Six Emperors needed external forces to promote the reform of the state system, and they also needed external forces to promote his "surname revolution."
What I want is that sense of flow.
The great discussion on whether to be constitutional or republican quickly started under the instruction of the Six Emperors. To this end, the Internal Affairs Committee secretly provided some financial support to the spokesmen of the officials and gentry in the north and south, and even provided some ideological templates.
The north and south of the country are filled with countless half a million people.
Public opinion is actually the voice of officials and gentry and has nothing to do with ordinary people.
After all, Jia Liuhui could not even complete the actual reunification of the country, let alone promote universal education and enlighten the people's wisdom.
Therefore, the thoughts of officials and gentry are the mainstream of this era.
As long as it gets the support of the majority of officials and gentry, the ideological aspect can be unified, which will then affect politics and military affairs and minimize unnecessary internal strife and losses caused by war.
The foundation of a republic is revolution. If you want to prove that republic is not feasible, you have to prove that revolution is harmful.
Weng Fanggang, a scholar in Shandong Province, published an article in the "Reform Daily" and said: "The trend of extending civil rights, equality and freedom is in line with justice and in line with the people's hearts. It is inevitable that the world will implement it in the future. If China takes the medicine of revolution, it will die.
.”
This was the first article on a major ideological discussion published in the official newspaper of the Reform Court.
Weng Xuezheng's article refuted the pervasive revolutionary atmosphere in the south and believed that the view that the revolutionaries could not succeed without bloodshed was wrong and could easily plunge China into a long-term civil war.
"If there is no emperor, who will be the president? What is the so-called recommendation? Who recommends it? If the people do not know a single Chinese character, how can they recommend it? It is nothing more than a strong soldier and a strong horse. Today President Zhao, tomorrow President Qian, the day after tomorrow
President Sun, in the future, China will definitely have warlords fighting, and the chaos in the feudal towns of the Tang Dynasty is not far away."
After the article was published, Weng Fanggang was immediately accused of being a "royalist" by the Liberation Society in Zhejiang, saying that Weng Fanggang was Aisin Gioro's lackey and a typical slave mentality under Manchuria.
In order to quell the revolutionaries' misunderstanding of themselves, Weng Xuezheng immediately put forward the suggestion of a false king in the newspaper after asking for the permission of His Majesty the Emperor. He believed that China needed a symbol of political unity and stability, so it would be best for the emperor to serve as this symbol, so as to avoid
Civil war between the north and the south can, secondly, avoid the emperor's tyranny.
The specific suggestion of Xu Jun is to establish a constitution, and the Council and the Cabinet shall be responsible for the overall affairs of the country.
This was the first time that the constitutional system actually came out, one week later than the republic.
The advent of the constitutional system shocked the officials and gentry of the opposing groups in the north and the south. Some officials who originally supported the republic turned to support the constitution because these officials were not sure whether the Northern Reform or the Southern Allied Forces would win once the Civil War started.
The Liberation Conference, whose main program was anti-Manchurian, resolutely opposed the establishment of a constitution. Sun Yibo, the prefect of Hangzhou, published an article saying that the Manchu race is called Donghu, and the Westerners call it Tatar, or Tungus, etc., and they are not Chinese at all.
Such people live in China secretly, their speech, politics, religion, food, and residence are all different from the local area, and they are not of the same species as China.
Therefore, it is possible to establish a constitution, but the prerequisite is that the anti-Manchu struggle must be carried out to the end, and the Manchu aliens must be killed or expelled from the territory.
The words were extremely strong.
Queenie, the Prime Minister and Deputy Minister of the Cabinet of the Restoration Court, saw the southern point of view and angrily published a public article, saying that Manchuria had been in China for a hundred years and had long been of the same clan as China. Therefore, the fierce anti-Manchurian actions of the southern revolutionaries were actually fighting against each other. As Manchurians,
Queenie, an official, wrote at the end of the article: "If the republic is based on anti-Manchuria, our Manchurian soldiers and civilians will fight to the end!"
Jiangsu Governor Hao Shuo also sent a message to Jiangning, saying: "The Reform Court welcomes the southern provinces to join the Reform, but a life-and-death revolution will inevitably lead to major bloody conflicts and will also cause Manchu officials to oppose the Reform. Moreover, the Reform Court advocates equality between Manchu and Han, which has already
There is positive guidance on this.”
Hao Futai believes that true revolutionaries should be tolerant, acknowledge the inherent history, resolve the hatred between the two sides, and preserve the vitality of the country. Only by doing this can we be regarded as revolutionaries with correct beliefs and without losing the realm of revolution.
Hao Shuo's telegram was not notified in advance to the Governor of Liangjiang, Heshuo Prince Zheng Songchun, which naturally caused Songchun to be very dissatisfied, because this Prince Zheng was determined to suppress the revolution and had already written to the court requesting that troops be sent to Zhejiang to quell the rebellion led by the Guangfu Hui.
rebellion, and are already actively preparing for war.
At the end of February, an article titled "What is the Revolution for?" was published in a private newspaper in Luoyang. It said: "People in China today have no clear axioms and old customs. After the revolution, they will surely fight each other and live in vain."
If we don’t have time, how can we reform the law to save the people and rectify internal governance?”
The article proposes that the purpose of revolution is to develop the people's wisdom, rather than the development of the people's wisdom as a premise.
The purpose of revolution may be republic, but revolution is not the same as republic. As long as it can achieve the development of the country, revolution can also be a constitutional monarchy revolution.
The author of the article signed the name "I love my family".
This signature puzzled Lao Ji, who had just come from Beijing to report on his work, because no one would use this as a pen name. Even the more obscene ones would use Xiaoxiaosheng, Lanlingzi, etc.
Lao A rolled his eyes at Lao Ji: "This is the emperor's pen name."
"Ah? Your Majesty's pen name?"
Lao Ji was stunned for a long time and couldn't help but sigh: "Let me just say, Your Majesty is the only true revolutionary in this world."
At a time when the north and the south were fiercely arguing about constitutional imperial power and the revolutionary republic, an explosive news came from the capital.
The Reform Court officially announced that the emperor was actually Emperor Chongzhen of the Ming Dynasty, and his surname was Zhu Mingboge.
Emperor Aisin Gioro suddenly changed his surname to Zhu. This explosive news spread rapidly throughout the country, and everyone who heard it was so horrified that they could not digest it for several days.
After the explosive news reached Hangzhou, Guangfu, which had always advocated the anti-Manchu revolution, instantly lost its market.
According to reliable sources, President Leer Jin of the coalition received the news when he went to the latrine, and then heard a thumping sound from the latrine. The details are unknown later.
"If the provinces agree to establish a constitution, I will abdicate immediately and abdicate the throne to the prince."
Jia Liu also made up his mind and didn't want to bother anymore.
All the ministers were shocked: "What about the emperor?"
Jia Liu spread his hands and said: "I am running for prime minister as a civilian."
Lao Ji's eyes were red and swollen: "What if the provinces do not agree to the establishment of a constitution and insist on a republic?"
Jia lit up his cigarette at six o'clock and said leisurely: "Then I will run for president."