In MacLehose's office, facing Xia Dingji, who was about to go to London, he solemnly said: "I have previously submitted to the government about the adverse impact of the rise of Chinese capital on our British capital in Hong Kong, especially the Xin Jian group who is unwilling to stand on the side
The Chinese-funded enterprises here have seriously shaken our foundation in Hong Kong.
I also hope that after you return to London, you will focus on clarifying this fact and point of view, so that this department will pay more attention to it.
We are willing to provide a relatively fair business environment for Chinese-owned enterprises in Hong Kong, but these enterprises must stand on the same line as us and be used by us."
As a high-level official for many years, Xia Dingji naturally knows that the continuous expansion of the Xin Jian Clan is definitely not good for the British government in Hong Kong at present.
But this is only in Xiangjiang and has little impact on the local area. It has even made a lot of contributions to the local economy to a certain extent.
"McLehose, I don't know what misunderstandings you have with Li Jianhui and the Xin Jian Clique, so that in your heart you regard him and the Xin Jian Clan as our enemies in Hong Kong.
In my opinion, the development of the Xinjian Department will not only have no impact on our rule here, but will also strengthen our influence here.
The better the economic development of Xiangjiang, the more Xiangjiang citizens will recognize us, the more stable the situation in Xiangjiang will be, and the more confident we will be in future negotiations.
You have to understand that Li Jianhui was born in Diao Keng Ling, and he carries the blood and brand of the right wing. Even if he, as a businessman, invests in the north, he cannot stand with that side in his heart.
I think what we should do is not to impose restrictions on the relationship between Li Jianhui and Xin Jian, allowing him to develop into a monopolistic group.
In addition, our government will support one or even multiple Chinese-owned families to accelerate their development to contain or even fight against the Xinjian Clan.
At that time, no matter whether it is the Xin Jian clan or these families, they will have to choose to side with us for their own interests.
After all, only we can protect their interests from infringement, and only we can tolerate the existence of monopoly consortiums in Hong Kong."
There is another reason Xia Dingji didn't mention, that is, even if they lose their rule in Xiangjiang in the future, the Xinjian Clan and the Chinese-funded families they have supported will still be able to create obstacles there.
These guys who put family interests first will never be willing to have their own interests violated in the future. Once any policy infringes on their interests, these forces will inevitably use various means to resist.
Xia Dingji is even prepared to propose that Li Jianhui be appointed as a member of the Executive Bureau and the Legislative Bureau to participate in the formulation of Hong Kong development and policies.
He strongly believes that this capitalist will definitely find a way to formulate a plan that is conducive to the monopoly of his company. By then, these plans will become the biggest obstacle to the Xinjian Department and the other side.
Compared with MacLehose, Xia Dingji was more pessimistic about the future, especially the battle between the north and the south, and the attitude of the north during MacLehose's visit. Unless there was a war, Britain would have no choice but to return Hong Kong.
Once this happens, Li Jianhui and the Xin Jian clique will inevitably become targets, because the political constitution determines that the Xin Jian clique is the target of overthrow.
MacLehose was quite dissatisfied when he heard what Xia Dingji said. He knew even more clearly that once the Xinjian Clan really became a monopoly consortium, they would be completely kidnapped and would only be able to act in accordance with the interests of the Xinjian Clan.
For example, this time from Tsuen Wan to Yuen Long via Tai Lam Tunnel is a good example. This is indeed beneficial to the people of Yuen Long, but the essence of the proposal is for their own interests.
If the Xinjian Clique is allowed to develop like this, in the future it will not only be a highway, but also economic planning, legal revision, etc., the Xinjian Clique will use its own influence and incite public opinion to coerce the government.
He said solemnly: "As a senior official appointed here by the British, how can you lose confidence in your own country?
Condoning the expansion of Li Jianhui and Xin Jian's relationship can only prove your distrust of the country's strength. I believe the Prime Minister is absolutely unwilling to hear such words from you.
This time the Prime Minister will personally listen to reports on all aspects of Hong Kong, and I hope you can truly and objectively report on the situation in Hong Kong based on national interests."
…
After Xia Dingji left, MacLehose once again contacted some senior executives and parliamentarians in England, focusing on those who were good friends with HSBC, Standard Chartered, Jardine Matheson, and Swire.
For the benefit of the country and the long-term peace and stability here, major Chinese-owned families can develop, but he will never allow the emergence of unique Chinese-owned families, let alone the emergence of monopoly consortiums.
The upper echelons of London were also quarreling over this issue, with different opinions on supporting the Xinjian clique and suppressing the Xinjian clique.
However, when it comes to supporting some Chinese-owned families, the opinions are very unified. Because the Xinjian Clan is getting stronger and stronger, and British-owned enterprises in Hong Kong continue to shrink, it is necessary to support some Chinese-owned families to fight against the Xinjian Clan.
There is no conflict between supporting the Xinjian Clan and supporting some Chinese-owned families against the Xinjian Clan in the eyes of some legislators and senior officials. They need the Xinjian Clan to stand on the opposite side of the north, and they also need forces to contain the Xinjian Clan.
Prime Minister Thatcher, who was busy with many things to do, had to take some time to understand the specific situation of Xiangjiang and Xinjian in the face of the disputes between these MPs and senior officials.
If Xin Jian is in London, she will definitely suppress it as much as possible. As a government, she is determined not to see the emergence of monopoly consortiums, especially those that have just emerged, and she will strangle them as much as possible.
The UK was the first country to have clear anti-monopoly laws in its laws, and has been continuously improving them for hundreds of years. This has also allowed the UK to avoid being affected by consortium politics like the American RB to a certain extent.
It's just that Hong Kong is different from the British mainland. In order to protect the interests of British companies in Hong Kong, no similar laws have been introduced before. The monopoly of some companies in Hong Kong will not be suppressed by government restrictions.
Moreover, even if the anti-monopoly law is introduced now, it will be of no use to the Xin Jian system. None of the other industries meet the requirements of the anti-monopoly law. On the contrary, it will harm British-owned enterprises in Xiangjiang.
On the morning of the 23rd, Thatcher held a high-level meeting on the Hong Kong issue. The meeting was attended by many ministers, some members of Congress, and Xia Dingji, who returned to London.
Various possibilities were discussed, even the worst possibility for England, and various judgments were made about the Xinjian system.
In the end, the decision was made not to suppress, restrict or support the Xin Jian Clan. At the same time, several Chinese business elites in Xiangjiang were selected as key support targets to accelerate their development and promote their cooperation with British capital in order to contain the growing influence of Xiangjiang.
The Xinjian Department.
At the same time, the British government also decided to transfer back MacLehose and Xia Dingji, and will send two people who understand the situation in Hong Kong and remain neutral to the Xinjian Clique to serve.
During this period, the situation in Hong Kong made the British high-level officials very dissatisfied, especially the delay in solving the Yuen Long citizen issues, which made the British government very passive in the face of the north. MacLehose cannot escape the blame for this.
The British side are also aware of Xia Dingji's small actions. Under the current situation of neither supporting nor suppressing the Xinjian Department, they are not willing to allow a senior executive who is close to the senior officials of the Xinjian Department to continue to serve in Xiangjiang.