The Constitution of the Third French Republic was finally released after a month of preparations by Justice Minister Ruet.
The Constitution of the Third Republic was more tolerant of restrictions on presidential powers than the Constitution of the Second Republic. The President was given the power to directly lead departments and dissolve Parliament at any time.
The Legislative Assembly has also changed its name to become the Legislative Council. However, all members of the Legislative Council must start as "official candidates". Only after they have the status of "official candidates" can they conduct the next round of elections, and the Legislative Council's
The chairman and vice-chairman are appointed by the president from among the "representatives".
Members of the Legislative Council no longer have a salary like members of the Republic, and each member receives a daily allowance of 25 francs per person during the session.
The "Second House" with the functions of the House of Lords was also established on January 15. The Constitution of the Third Republic stipulates that those who can enter the "Second House", except for special approval by the President, are those who are already famous in France.
People, such as cardinals, marshals, admirals, etc.
The Constitution stipulates that the number of the "Second Chamber" cannot exceed 150 people. Its functions are to interpret the Constitution, resolve issues not provided for in the Constitution, and review laws.
In addition to the Legislative Council and the "Second House", the Constitution also stipulates the Senate. The members of this independent body are personally appointed and removed by the president. The total number of members in the Senate is about 40-50, and each person can get an annual salary.
The allowance is 20,000 francs.
The President presides over meetings of the Senate. When he is absent, he appoints a person to be the vice-president of the meeting. "The Senate, under the leadership of the President of the Republic, prepares draft laws and government regulations and solves difficulties encountered in administrative management." Whenever.
When the Senate and the Legislative Council meet, the Senate defends the proposed bill "in the name of the government." The work of the Senate involves both legislation and administration, so it plays a complex role in political life.
The National Assembly and the Supreme Court, the two "behemoths" during the Second Republic, were completely split by Jérôme Bonaparte into organizations dominated by executive power.
The Legislative Council, the Second Chamber and the Senate all declared to the outside world that legislative power and judicial interpretation power had been completely reduced to vassals of executive power, and the person who controlled the entire French administrative power was none other than Jérôme Bonaparte.
On January 15, after an "intense" election, Jérôme Bonaparte finally completed the number of members of the Senate and the "Second Chamber". The first "Second Chamber" adhered to the principle of "preferring less than excess" and chose
80 people serve as representatives of the "Second House", and the Senate also chooses a conservative 40 people as representatives.
On January 18, Jérôme Bonaparte announced the official start of the election of the first "Legislative Council" of the Third French Republic.
In order to express their support for the new regime, senior officials from each province personally designated "official candidates" for the election. The provincial elections lasted 12 days. In addition to the six "official opposition" members who acted as facades, the remaining legislative members
They are surrounded by loyal supporters of the new regime.
On January 31, President Jérôme Bonaparte of the Third French Republic personally drove from the Tuileries Palace to the Legislative Council of the Bourbon Palace.
In the Legislative Assembly of the Bourbon Palace, Jérôme Bonaparte received warm applause from all the representatives of the legislative group.
"Let us invite Jérôme Bonaparte to speak on the stage!" Legislative Council Chairman Blair sat on the rostrum where Speaker Dupin once sat. He did not want to be the chairman but was strongly forced by Jérôme Bonaparte.
When he reached the chairmanship, in the name of helping Bonaparte through difficult moments, Blair could only agree to Jérôme Bonaparte serve as chairman for a period of time.
Amid the warm applause of the legislative group, Jérôme Bonaparte bowed to the representatives present. He slowly came to the podium and explained to the representatives of the legislative group the draft formulated by his secretary-general Valewski the night before.
's manuscript.
During the speech, representatives of the legislative group gave Jérôme Bonaparte warm applause from time to time.
The first Legislative Council ended with the departure of Jérôme Bonaparte.
Early the next morning, Paris newspapers began to go all out. The Observer claimed that "the Legislative Council is a symbol of French democracy!"
"Le Bonaparte" made an important evaluation of Jérôme Bonaparte's speech.
Other newspapers that obeyed the Bonapartists also advocated the advancement of the "legislative body" system from various angles. Even Proudhon made a rare positive comment on Jérôme Bonaparte. He claimed that "Gérôme
M. Bonaparte is a true patron saint of socialism!”
"Patron saint?" Jérôme Bonaparte looked at Proudhon's "People's Daily" comment on him with a dumbfounded look.
If he didn't know something about Proudhon, he would almost think that Proudhon was connoting him, and there was no trace of a true socialist in anything he did.
While Jérôme Bonaparte was reading French and foreign newspapers with great interest, Walewski, the secretary-general, entered the study.
"What happened?" Jerome Bonaparte raised his head and glanced at Valewski.
"Your Excellency, Russian Ambassador Vladimirovich seeks an audience!" Valevsky responded to Jerome Bonaparte.
Vladimirovich? What is he here for?
Jerome Bonaparte thought to himself that he did not know whether what Vladimirovich brought to France was the goodwill of the Russian Empire or a declaration of war from the Russian Empire.
Jérôme Bonaparte put down the newspaper in his hand and stood up, ordering Valewski to bring the guest over.
After Valewski left the room, Jerome Bonaparte slowly sat on the sofa.
Under Valevsky's leadership Vladimirovich was soon brought to Jerome Bonaparte.
"Your Majesty the Consul!" Vladimirovich paid his respects to the French dictator without humility.
"Please sit down!" Jerome Bonaparte extended his hand to invite Vladimirovich to sit down.
After seeing Vladimirovich take his seat, Valewski completed his task and left the study.
Only Jerome Bonaparte and Vladimirovich were left in the study.
"Your Majesty the Consul, congratulations on your victory over the Parliament!" Vladimirovich congratulated Jerome Bonaparte.
Jérôme Bonaparte said calmly: "This is an obligation entrusted to me by the French people. I just respect the wishes of all the French people!"
Vladimirovich looked at the French dictator in front of him with a smile. He did not want to believe a single word that came from the dictator's mouth.
Just six months ago, as president, Jérôme Bonaparte had sworn to him that he would get off work on time.
But who could have imagined that just six months later, the president who once announced that he would get off work at 10:00 would become a governor with a ten-year term. Thanks to the dictator, he still wanted to show his face and did not change his term to a lifetime term.
When Vladimirovich presented everything that had happened in France back to the Russian Empire exactly as it was, and warned the country to be careful, Jerome Bonaparte was very likely to change the republic into an empire.
An even more unexpected scene occurred for Vladimirovich. Tsar Nicholas I, who received Vladimirovich's letter, was uncharacteristically happy for what was happening in the French Republic after seeing the letter, and wrote a letter in person praising the French Republic.
Rohm Bonaparte's rapid suppression of the "Red Revolution" and the actions of the liberals saved France.
Karl Nesserrodie also wrote a letter claiming: "The empty talk of the Red Party and Constitutional thinkers that Jérôme Bonaparte crushed in one fell swoop made them unable to make a comeback!"
When Vladimirovich received two named letters of praise, he almost thought there was something wrong with his original letter to the country.
Vladimirovich guessed right. The letter he originally sent from France to St. Petersburg had been partially redacted after it entered the hands of Foreign Minister Karl Neserrodie.
Karl Nesserrode believed that this letter would have serious consequences for the Russian Empire, and rashly delivering it to the Tsar would lead to a financial crisis for the Russian Empire.
The Tsar who received the letter would never sit back and watch the French Republic completely fall into the hands of Jérôme Bonaparte. Once the troops in his hands were used, it would inevitably lead to a financial crisis.
For a country that is already riddled with holes, any large-scale action will put the government's finances in crisis.
The Russian Empire had already paid for the Tsar's "willfulness" from 1848 to 1850, and it could no longer pay for the Tsar's willfulness in 1851.
Karl Nesserrodie intercepted some of the content of Jérôme Bonaparte's coup and assumed power, focusing on crushing the red revolution and liberals.
If one day the matter comes to light, Karl Neserrodie can kick Vladimirovich out of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for "concealing the truth", and it is best to send him to Siberia.
Sure enough, after receiving the letter delivered to him by Karl Nesserrode, Nicholas I "Xiong Yan Dayue" immediately wrote a personal letter and asked Karl Nesserrode to deliver it to Jerome Bonnet.
bar.
The letter was sent in late January, and after crossing the ocean and landing in Calais, it came to Vladimirovich.
After receiving the letter, Vladimirovich came to Jerome Bonaparte and handed the letter to him.
"This is a letter from our Majesty Nicholas I to you!" Vladimirovich handed the letter to Jerome Bonaparte.
Jerome Bonaparte got Vladimirovich's letter and opened it. After a cursory glance at the contents of the letter, a smile appeared on his face and he said: "Thank you Tsar Nicholas for your support! The French Republic will always be
I will never forget my friendship with the Russian Empire! But..."