"Did I wake you up too?" Cao Mo saw Zhou Han had woken up and said, "Yan Ming suddenly called and said that he would follow Yang Xiaofeng from now on."
"Ah, it's not enough for him to be domineering in the casino. Why do he have to suffer all this hardship with Yang Xiaofeng? Or is it that Yan Zhicheng can't tolerate him and kicked him out of Lana Del Rey Beach Casino?" Zhou Han felt strange. At this moment, Moonlight
When the light shines in from the window, the floor seems to be covered with a thin layer of frost.
"My mind is restless. My mind is full of thoughts about life, values, adventures, etc..." Cao Mo and Zhou Han came back from Catero last night. They had nothing to deal with and went to bed early. Now
It was only two o'clock in the morning, but I didn't feel sleepy, so I reached out and turned on the bedside lamp.
Zhou Han woke up in the dark night. The desk lamp was still too dazzling. She turned sideways, pressed her snowy face against Cao Mo's chest, stroked his prickly beard, and said:
"Yang Xiaofeng has been eyeing Cones Security Consultants during this time. This mercenary company is registered in the UK, but its main area of activity is in South Africa. It has cooperated with the Evans Foundation's company in South Africa, but it is not limited to serving Evans.
Companies under the foundation, so the public information does not believe that they have any involvement with the Evans Foundation. Of course, Liang Yuanli defied public opinion and would promote Catero Steel Plant to cooperate with Conns no matter how high the offer was.
, Yang Xiaofeng believes that there must be something worth digging behind this. I’m wondering if the two assistants around Oseph Feijem should also ask Yang Xiaofeng to assist in the investigation? "
Osef Feijem has a high position of power, and his work life and personal safety are taken care of meticulously. It is the most difficult to dig out anything valuable from him.
If you really want to find evidence that the Evans Foundation secretly colludes to support pirates and rioters, you should start with Oseph Feijem's staff involved in core secrets.
Tubman Security Consulting Company is owned by Zhou Han, and the logistics and information support department in charge of Taya will include this matter in the key work plan, and will arrange a dedicated intelligence collection and analysis team to follow up, but this does not mean that there is no need to rely on external help.
the power of.
In addition to Liang Yuan's intention to join the Evans Foundation, the more important thing is the Bosso-Catro Steel Industrial Complex, which is the largest industrial project invested by the Evans Foundation outside of oil output.
He must also have a pivotal position within the association. Yang Xiaofeng has been keeping an eye on Liang Yuan's every move. Zhou Han felt that no matter how appropriate the support was, there might be unexpected gains.
Cao Mo thought for a while, hugged Zhou Han's soft and delicate body, and said: "There will be no harm in running two parallel lines, but we have to ask Yang Xiaofeng to be more careful and not to scare the snake!"
"Are you getting up at this time, or are you going to sleep for a while?" Zhou Han took a look at his watch from the bedside and asked.
Although it was only two o'clock in the morning, according to the plan, Cao Mo was going to go to Quekotos in Digon with the ship at five o'clock, so he went to bed directly after returning to Longta last night.
"Apart from getting up and going to bed, can't you do anything else?" Cao Mo put his arms around Zhou Han's soft and boneless body and pulled her to lie on top of him.
"Don't make trouble, you haven't done enough yet..." Zhou Han pinched the flesh on Cao Mo's chest and said.
…………
…………
Although the cooperation with Langhua Petroleum was led by Sturgeon and Huang Hebin, Cao Mo did not worry at all.
When crude oil futures prices are high and resources are in short supply, Europe, the United States and China are strengthening offshore oil exploration and production. However, in the Gulf of Guinea, the few offshore drilling platforms are mainly concentrated in offshore areas with higher costs.
Although the waters of the Gulf of Guinea are calm and there are no major storms all year round, the offshore engineering foundations of the countries along the Gulf of Guinea are too weak.
In the dozens of offshore oil fields developed in the Gulf of Guinea in the early days, not only the drilling platforms, but also offshore engineering maintenance equipment were imported from Europe and the United States. Almost all of the staff engaged in exploration, mining and equipment maintenance operations were European and American.
In the later stage, these oil exploration companies supported some local small and medium-sized enterprises to undertake offshore oil field exploration operations and drilling platform maintenance and other services.
Behind the scenes, these small and medium-sized enterprises are also closely related to oil exploration companies. Originally, Cao Mo wanted to acquire them, but it was difficult to find an opportunity to get involved.
Mainly from 2004, 2005 to 2008, international oil prices continued to rise sharply, and countries such as Kanem also proposed astonishing offshore oil exploration and production plans in order to increase the scale of oil output.
This has stimulated the establishment of a large number of small and medium-sized enterprises such as offshore oil field exploration and drilling maintenance, and a large number of offshore work vessels and equipment have been leased or sold to West Africa.
However, the subprime mortgage crisis in 2008 swept the world, international oil prices plummeted, and countries such as Kanem couldn't wait to abandon their astonishing-scale offshore oil exploration and production plans.
Naturally, these small and medium-sized enterprises have been hardest hit in the past two years.
Even though there are investors (investors) behind the scenes of these small and medium-sized enterprises, if they cannot survive, they may go bankrupt at any time. If they can be resold, who can pick and choose?
After the attack on the Noquico Manor, during the negotiations with Langhua Petroleum, Cao Mo urged Sturgeon, Huang Hebin and others to directly use the name of the Furkov Petrochemical Group, but in fact the equity was not related to the Furkov Petrochemical Group.
Direct relationship, acquisition of an oil services company.
This oil services company mainly provides technical support and maintenance services for drilling platforms outside the mouth of the Niger River. It owns an offshore maintenance ship and more than 60 employees. It is small in scale, but it has certain technical strength.
In the past half month, Sturgeon and Huang Hebin have stepped forward to acquire two offshore oil exploration and technical support companies for merger, and hired seven domestic technical and management personnel with high salaries to join the renamed Fulkov Oilfield Service Company.
We also set up an office in Digong, where the Quekotos Oilfield is located, and started preparations for taking over the drilling in advance.
After signing a formal cooperation agreement with Langhua Petroleum, the first batch of staff were quickly sent to the platform.
Logically speaking, the follow-up work is to see when the following engineering, technical and management personnel can officially put the three drilling platforms into operation successfully. After filling the double-shell storage tanks that come with the platform, the high-quality products of Quekotos can be filled.
The crude oil is then transported to the crude oil terminal of Conero Lake Port.
However, Cao Mo knew very well that Langhua Petroleum treated its cooperation with them as a dead horse.
In addition to setting up a new office in Oguta and continuing to hire a small number of armed guards, Langhua Petroleum has handed over the actual maintenance of the drilling platform to Tianyue. Their worst-case scenario is that they will not be able to successfully produce oil, and they will have to pay more every year.
It can save 30 to 40 million US dollars in maintenance costs.
Of course, the most important point is that Langhua Petroleum has not given up its efforts to sell the Quekotos Oilfield. Tianyue's cooperation with them is fragile and unreliable.
On the one hand, Cao Mo did not have so much funds at this time to completely take over the mining rights and all ancillary facilities of the Kuikotos Oil Field. At the same time, Digong, the country where the Kuikotos Oil Field is located, would not allow Langhua Petroleum to directly
Transfer the mining rights of the oil field to a company with little oil mining foundation.
Of course, this does not apply to Langhua Petroleum subcontracting some businesses.
This is just like domestic general contractors who need to be qualified, but everyone turns a blind eye to subsequent subcontracting and who is actually responsible for construction.
If a third party is willing to take over the Quinotos Oilfield before the three drilling platforms are successfully operational, Tianyue will not have any say in it.
The most critical reason why Langhua Petroleum signed a cooperation agreement with Tianyue so quickly and agreed to relatively loose conditions is that Tianyue has no right to interfere in the oil field transfer transaction.
In other words, if the buyer has no intention of accepting the cooperation agreement signed by Langhua Petroleum and Tianyue long ago, Langhua Petroleum will only provide appropriate compensation and ask Tianyue to step out.
Tianyue can negotiate a cooperation agreement with Langhua Petroleum. In addition to the fact that neither party is currently qualified to pick and choose, the cooperation agreement is also loose and open to both parties.
In fact, if a buyer is willing to take over the Quinaults Oilfield, there is a high probability that it will have its own supporting oil services company, and Tianyue will most likely be kicked out.
If Tianyue wants to have a say, it must get the three drilling platforms into operation successfully before Langhua Petroleum finds a buyer.
According to the current cooperation agreement, the three drilling platforms can be successfully operated and can successfully suppress the arrogance of pirates in the Kuikonov waters. Although Tianyue takes advantage, it is said that it can see at least hundreds of millions of dollars every year.
ultra-high profits, but Langhua Petroleum has benefited even more.
After all, they really control the oil exploration rights in the Kuikonov Sea area.
The exploration and production rights and ancillary equipment of the Kuikonov Oilfield were acquired by Langhua Petroleum with a huge investment of US$2 billion ten years ago. Not only has it failed to produce benefits over the years, it has even invested nearly a billion US dollars in investment.
Langhua's oil assets are huge, but they were severely damaged by the subprime crisis.
More importantly, the development of European countries has stagnated uncontrollably in recent years, which has also seriously troubled Langhua Petroleum.
As long as the Quekotos Oilfield can bring stable and reliable benefits to Langhua Petroleum every year, Cao Mo believes that the top management of Langhua Petroleum may not even think about selling this hen that can only lay eggs.
Even though Langhua Petroleum is still thinking of selling the Quekotos Oilfield, their previous offer for the Quekotos Oil Field, which has abundant reserves but has been abandoned due to pirate interference, was US$3 billion.
When drilling in the Quekotos oil field is restarted and can bring in profits of US$3 to 400 million per year, and there is still room for huge increases in the future, will they still maintain the original quotation?
As long as Langhua Petroleum significantly increases its quotation, this will be a manifestation of Tianyue's role and voice in the Quekotos Oilfield; buyers cannot ignore Tianyue's role and status and kick them out at will.
Although the country of Digong has a population of only over 20 million and has entered the era of democratic elections since the early 1990s, it has hundreds of ethnic groups in the country. The number is terrifying, and internal ethnic conflicts are fierce. There have been intermittent turmoils over the years.
It has never completely calmed down.
This is also the main reason why pirate forces are more rampant along the coast of Digong than along the coasts of Kanem, Benin and Akwa.
The Evans Foundation can secretly cultivate and support pirate forces in Digon without fear of being caught by opponents. The main reason is that the situation in Digon is too chaotic.
If there had not been a sharp conflict with the Evans Foundation, Cao Mo would not have been certain to win the Quekotos oilfield service business.
What he sees now is not only the excess profits brought by the Quekotos oil service business itself, but he also needs to consider whether once he gives up the resistance, he will not use the Quekotos oil field to establish an anti-piracy force on the southern flank of the Gulf of Guinea.
From a starting point, how can the Gulf of Guinea shipping company’s shipping safety be ensured in the waters south of Kanem?
How will West Africa United Cement’s plan to expand its market on both wings through the Gulf of Guinea offshore channel be implemented?
Will the construction of a cross-border transmission network along the coast of the Gulf of Guinea completely expose it to the threat of pirate forces secretly controlled by the Evans Foundation?
Since the Evans Foundation dares to enter Lake Noqua and attack the southern region of Cotonou, if it is left alone, the coast of Lake Conero cannot be considered safe.
In the name of ensuring the normal operation of drilling, we will take over the Quekotos oil services business and strengthen the construction of Tubman Security Consultants' armed security guard force at sea, limit the frequency of pirate activities in the southern waters of the Gulf of Guinea, and identify and identify Egyptian
The pirate forces secretly supported by the Vince Foundation continue to crack down.
This is the key reason why Cao Mo pays special attention to this matter and promotes it personally.
After the attack on Lake Norquay Manor, in addition to Governor Blake and others, Cao Mo also successfully persuaded investors such as the Stanning family and Bertich.
In addition to jointly promoting the strengthening of military and police anti-piracy efforts in Kanem, more directly, the board of directors of the West African United Cement Group unanimously agreed to significantly increase the total amount of the comprehensive security service agreement for Tubman Security Consultants to four per year.
Ten million dollars.
In addition to the fact that after the attack on Lake Norquay Manor, Cao Mo invested US$50 million in Tubman Security Consultants to purchase newer and stronger weapon reconnaissance equipment, Cao Mo also plans to strive to increase the number of
Tubman Security Consultants' annual expenses will gradually increase from the current $20 million to $100 million.
This is already a pretty scary number.
You must know that Benin’s national defense expenditure in 2009 was only slightly more than 100 million US dollars.
It is no wonder that Benin’s military and police force, which appears to be fully equipped with sea, air, and land forces, has little combat effectiveness. It is also no wonder that the pirate forces secretly supported by the Evans Foundation dared to directly enter Lake Noqua to cause such a big incident.
If Cao Mo hadn't formed his own security force very early, and if he hadn't figured out the other party's intentions in advance, it would be difficult for any other company without a strong background to support it.
The Evans Foundation confronts such an existence.
…………
…………
West African United Cement and Tianyue Industrial have already established offices in Dua, the largest port city in Digun.
Like Kanem, farmers had no way out and poured into a few limited centers without restrictions, causing the city to expand disorderly.
The entire country of Digun has only 22 to 3 million people, but Dua, as the largest port city, has over 4 million people crowded into it.
However, Dua's urban construction and industrial base are worse than those of Cotonou. With such a dense population, most of the young and middle-aged people are unemployed or semi-unemployed, and social security chaos can be imagined.
The town of Quekotos is also built directly on the straight coastline, one hundred kilometers north of Dua. It once prospered briefly due to the development of offshore oil fields.
In the early years of oil exploration, in addition to building living, safety and material support bases on the shore,
, and also built a supporting port terminal for berthing of offshore work ships. At this time, they were all affiliated to Langhua Petroleum.
After Tianyue signed a cooperation agreement with Langhua Petroleum, the use rights of these facilities were temporarily transferred to Fulkov Oilfield Service Company.
Due to the development of offshore oil fields, the town of Quekotos once had hundreds of thousands of foreign residents, and the security situation was very chaotic before 2000.
However, as Langhua Petroleum temporarily suspended the exploitation of the Quekotos oil field and withdrew its main personnel, these outsiders were unable to make a living in Quekotos and dispersed.
Of course, after the Fulkov Oilfield Service Company moved in, Cao Mo arrived at Quekotos and saw that crowds were gathering again in the slums outside the living base.
Fortunately, Huang Hebin has been keeping an eye on this place during this period, and strictly prohibits staff and security personnel from going out. All the daily necessities in the early stage were shipped from Draculamo instead of buying them locally at low prices.
However, if you are closed for a long time and do not communicate with the locals, or do not transfer benefits to a certain extent, you will inevitably be rejected by the local forces, which will induce more troublesome and fierce conflicts.
Cao Mo's principle is to establish contact and contact with local forces, and to select moderate forces from the local area for support.
There are no decent factories in Quekotos. The main cash crops are cocoa and coffee. In the past, transportation was inconvenient. Although the terminal supporting the oil field can berth 5,000-ton offshore work vessels, it was privately owned by the oil company and had not been released before.
Crops and other products supplied to Quekotos are sent directly to the sea.
Currently, the Fulkov Oilfield Service Company has temporarily taken over the use rights of the terminal. Naturally, the West African Agricultural Group can use this terminal to purchase cash crops such as cocoa, coffee, oil palm fruits, and timber from Quekotos.
The cash crops that Kuikotos can currently export a year are very limited, maybe only one to twenty million US dollars. Originally, it was far from Cao Mo's turn to personally come forward, but selecting partners from the local area involves Tianyue's work in Kuikotos.
The significance of a solid foundation is far greater than the annual trade volume of 10 to 20 million US dollars.
Except for Cao Mo personally taking action, who can guarantee that the selected partners will have a moderate stance and deserve further support in establishing a cooperative relationship?
Who can guarantee that the Evans Foundation will not put some people in with ulterior motives?
The conflicts among the Digong ethnic group are fierce and complex, and they have also spawned quite a few extreme ethnic groups.
In the past, in order to avoid getting into trouble, Langhua Petroleum categorically refused to contact, let alone cooperate with, local forces. As a result, most of the subsequent attacks on the Quekotos drilling platform and living base were caused by local pirates, gangs or opponents.
This was done by extremists with hateful intentions in overseas companies like Langhua.
At that time, Langhua Petroleum became a piece of meat available to almost everyone in Digong. Naturally, it was impossible to find any real evidence to prove anything against the Evans Foundation.
Huang Hebin, Sturgeon and others could not understand the real role that Cao Mo could play, but after Cao Mo arrived at Quacotos, he intervened in various affairs with local forces without any details. They could only understand that Quacotos Oil
The success or failure of the service business is very important to Tianyue’s overall industrial layout in the Gulf of Guinea.
…………
…………
The attack on Lake Norquay Manor severely damaged the pirate strength secretly supported by the Evans Foundation, and also increased the reputation of Tubman Security Consultants in the Gulf of Guinea. Even so, Fulkov Oil Services officially took over Quekotos
After drilling in the oil field, pirates continued to come and harass us intermittently.
It's just that there are no elite pirates equipped with high-speed boats, rocket launchers and rapid-fire machine guns. The sporadic pirates who come over and want to eat fat are just dishes delivered to the mouth of Tubman Security Consultants.
After more than ten waves of pirates were repelled, and hundreds of pirates were killed or captured and handed over to the Digon police, the pirates stopped.
They seemed to realize that there was no big force behind the leadership of elite pirates, and these stragglers were really no match for the elite mercenaries of Tubman Security Consultants.
During this period, Cao Mo spent most of his time living in Quekotos's living base, except for briefly returning to Longta, Dahomey or Augusta to handle matters.
The living base purchases materials from the local area and hires cooks, cleaning, gardening and other auxiliary workers. West Africa Agriculture Group selects local cooperative suppliers, and West Africa United Cement selects agents and invests in building a vertical cement storage tank near the dock to rent to them.
Cao Mo was directly involved in everything including hiring a local labor service company to operate the dock and subsequent camp infrastructure construction.
Cao Mo also specially set up an office in Quekotos, and transferred Feng Lei from Akwa, who had outstanding performance in contacting local forces in Dahomey, as the general manager of the Quekotos office, responsible for tracking these affairs and supervising them.
For other matters, please contact him directly.
Thanks to the efforts of the young Fulkov Oilfield Services Company and temporarily hired technical support providers, after four months of thorough maintenance and renovation, the updated facilities and parts alone amounted to US$20 million.
The No. 1 drilling well in the offshore oil field finally successfully produced oil in mid-September.
It is three and a half months ahead of the most optimistic estimate of Langhua Petroleum.
During this period, Jacques Sesaire, who was in charge of the West African office of Langhua Petroleum, rushed to the Quekotos drilling platform and related facilities many times. It was only the mining rights attached to the oil field and was transferred to Fulkov Oil during the cooperation period.
The purpose of establishing the West Africa office of Langhua Petroleum, a service company, is to supervise all processes from mining, platform maintenance, transportation and sales. There is no way to relax in the management of crude oil sales.
What surprised Jacques Césaire was not that the drilling rig produced oil more than three months ahead of the most optimistic estimate, nor that Tubman Security Consulting Company had repeatedly repelled pirate harassment, but that in the Quekotos regional election in early September
, the thirteen members of the Municipal Committee are all Tianyue’s partners or suppliers.
Establishing a cooperative relationship with six old municipal committee members is not a big deal. Not one of the seven newly elected municipal committee members was missed. Jacques Césaire had to admit that Cao Mo had a problem with recognizing people within Tianyue.
There are rumors among people.
Jacques Césaire also reflected on his gains and losses during his time in charge of the Quekotos Oilfield, and realized that ignoring local forces would be too fatal when facing a strong opponent like the Evans Foundation.
After the election in the Quekotos region, the new municipal committee immediately proposed not to propose a new municipal construction and development plan, but to strengthen public security and judicial construction, and to ensure that there was not much tax revenue for the area where the Quekotos oil field belongs.
, will be given priority for the construction of the police force.
The taxes and fees charged by Digon for the extraction and export of crude oil are roughly the same as those of countries such as Kanem. The total amount is basically fixed at four dollars per barrel, while it is only about one dollar per barrel in the Quekotos region.
When drilling well No. 1 produces oil, the tax revenue attributed to the Quekotos area is approximately US$10,000.
This amount of money would be nothing if placed in any county-level region in the country, but if placed in Quekotos, it would be a financial revenue that would make surrounding areas extremely jealous.
What's more, it is expected to rise to US$30,000 per day in the future.